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(en) Italy, FDCA, Cantiere #41 - The battle is long and the enemies are numerous, but we will be even more numerous. Tomorrow is ours, comrades! - Libertarian Alternative / FdCA (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Fri, 6 Mar 2026 07:37:56 +0200
As documented in the statement from our Iranian comrades, which we
publish in this issue of Cantiere, the news coming from Iran is
dramatic: the government is pursuing a bloody repression that has
claimed thousands of lives, thousands of arrests, and threatened the
death penalty for those who demonstrate against the regime. The protest,
which has seen widespread and spontaneous popular participation, also
involves workers, men and women, along with younger generations of
students. The uprising, sparked by unbearable economic conditions,
sanctions further tightened by Trump's first term, and inflation
undermining low- and middle-income earners, has taken on specific class
configurations to become the vehicle for concrete demands for political
opposition and freedom, long repressed by an exploitative, reactionary,
sectarian, and oppressive regime, severely weakened by the violent
evolution of imperialist competition, with the United States and Israel
as the main players in the Middle East dispute. If the pretext for the
aggression against Venezuela was drug trafficking, if the intervention
in Syria invoked freedom from a bloodthirsty regime, if in Nigeria the
defense of Christianity was invoked, in Iran imperialism is cynically
exploiting the spontaneous struggles of the oppressed masses to
eliminate a dangerous competitor in the Middle East. These operations
are fully understandable if placed within the logic of contemporary
imperialism, understood as a political-military articulation of the
needs of capital reproduction on a global scale. The theaters affected
by the interventions coincide with strategic areas of the global energy
system, both in terms of reserves and transit hubs. Yemen controls one
of the main checkpoints in the global hydrocarbon trade; Syria is
located along potential interregional energy corridors; Iran exerts
structural power over the markets through the Strait of Hormuz;
Venezuela and Nigeria represent key oil and gas reserves. This
geographical recurrence does not appear contingent, but rather the
expression of an imperial rationality oriented towards the control of
the material conditions of accumulation." This escalation Imperialist
competition, which also manifests itself within individual, more or less
hegemonic states, is also being followed in Europe by a growing and
widespread arms race that maximizes the profits and revenues of the
military industry and the financial capital that supports it, worsening
the living conditions of the lower classes. "We'll get Greenland by hook
or by crook," declared US President Trump, not wanting to leave a
strategic area open to Russian and Chinese interference. This amplifies
the desire for domination aimed at mitigating and delaying the decline
of the American empire and its allies, in a world witnessing the rise
and rise of new and fearsome powers. The war in Ukraine continues in a
bloody and devastating scenario that sees the prospects for peace
receding and, at the same time, sees a still-inadequate European
imperialism, divided over the prospect of continental rearmament that is
reduced to being conducted state by state, but essentially united in
fomenting support for the continuation of a conflict triggered by the
US's need to separate European interests from those of Russia and China,
asserting its hegemony over the EU.
The truce agreed in Gaza has not halted the genocide of the Palestinian
civilian population, who continues to suffer hunger, poverty, and death
at the hands of the Israeli government and its occupying army. China is
reclaiming Taiwan, making it clear that it will tolerate no
interference. Japan is rearming to counter its economic decline in a
context that includes, in addition to the consolidation of Chinese
hegemony over the entire Asian continent, India's bid to become the
world's fourth power, and the strengthening of the economic and
political role of the BRICS. After repeated threats, which have also
involved Canada, Mexico, Cuba, Colombia, and Greenland at various
levels, the United States is attacking Venezuela both for its vast
natural resources and to send a warning against Russian and, above all,
Chinese interference on the continent, in order to reaffirm its own
declining hegemony. The scenario looks complex, both because Venezuelan
oil exports to China account for approximately 8% of China's total
demand, the sub-optimal quality of Venezuelan oil, and the country's
refining industry is obsolete and requires significant investment.
Furthermore, several respected companies, all affiliated with Big Oil
(ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips), believe that the investments
needed to improve and increase Caracas' oil production to outcompete
Russian and Chinese competition (Trump has called for massive
investments, expected to be borne entirely by the companies, amounting
to $100-$200 billion) risk putting US crude oil production out of
business. Furthermore, oil companies are demanding greater guarantees
and protections to avoid further nationalizations, expropriations, and
corporate restrictions that would further penalize their interests, thus
demanding significant changes in the Venezuelan regime to allow them to
invest again. ENI, with its five hundred employees and approximately
three billion euros in loans, is also involved in this complex scenario.
Law, international institutions, bourgeois political democracy itself,
its institutions and constitutions-all these superstructures that have
supported the ascendancy of democratic liberalism as a benign
institutional expression of Western capitalist states-are now
demonstrating their complete impotence in dealing with the new course of
imperialist competition, which is seeing the emergence of new and
insidious forces demanding recognition of their role in the world
market. The imperialist balance of power is thus shifting in a
contradictory scenario, where international relations are no longer
governed by diplomatic agreements and international law, but by the
irremediable brutality of the balance of power between the major
economic and military powers.In this scenario, the United States refuses
to resign itself to its decline and decides to dictate the rules with
increasing and evident brutality, without any mediation, as it did in
the past. Another important aspect to highlight is the so-called
"campist" camp, well represented within a Stalinist-derived left that is
far from dormant. As in the era of "real socialism," the current
Venezuelan regime is also touted as socialist and therefore worthy of
defense against what is believed to be the only existing imperialism,
the US, which has exploited and oppressed Latin America for over 150
years. Such reasoning ignores the social and class implications of the
Venezuelan national bourgeoisie's desire to free itself from US
imperialism and the bourgeois elements that have benefited from it, in
order to directly manage the country's resources. To achieve this goal,
the national bourgeoisie necessarily becomes anti-imperialist, giving
rise to "Bonapartist" regimes that pursue a relationship with the lower
classes aimed at unifying the homeland against imperialism. Such an aim
implies significant social reforms to improve the miserable living
conditions of broad segments of the population, thus combating
underdevelopment and backwardness. This is undoubtedly positive, but it
cannot be ignored that these objectives represent the hegemonic
interests pursued by the Venezuelan national bourgeoisie, as the
governing force, with an authoritarian tendency aimed at repressing all
forms of social and class dissent. In a period in which the mechanisms
of capital valorization enter into crisis, war becomes a concrete
prospect that opens the way to the entire militarization of societies:
the living conditions of the subaltern classes are attacked, trade
unions weakened, national and international bourgeois law and
institutions are reduced to impotence, and struggles are repressed
within the emerging framework of a war economy that sees the resurgence
of militarism with all its patriotic and reactionary myths that
undermine historic civil conquests and presuppose national unity against
the enemy lurking at the borders, according to the traditional cliché of
imperialist wars.which has also exploited and oppressed the Latin
American continent for over 150 years. Such reasoning ignores the social
and class implications of the Venezuelan national bourgeoisie's desire
to free itself from US imperialism and the bourgeois elements that have
benefited from it, in order to directly manage the country's resources.
To achieve this goal, the national bourgeoisie necessarily becomes
anti-imperialist, giving rise to "Bonapartist" regimes that pursue a
relationship with the lower classes aimed at unifying the country
against imperialism. Such an aim implies significant social reforms to
improve the miserable living conditions of broad segments of the
population, thus combating underdevelopment and backwardness. This is
undoubtedly positive, but it cannot be ignored that these objectives
represent the hegemonic interests that the Venezuelan national
bourgeoisie pursues, as the governing force, with an authoritarian
tendency aimed at repressing any form of social and class dissent. In a
period in which the mechanisms of capital valorization enter into
crisis, war becomes a concrete prospect that opens the way to the entire
militarization of societies: the living conditions of the subaltern
classes are attacked, trade unions weakened, national and international
bourgeois law and institutions are reduced to impotence, and struggles
are repressed within the emerging framework of a war economy that sees
the resurgence of militarism with all its patriotic and reactionary
myths that undermine historic civil conquests and presuppose national
unity against the enemy lurking at the borders, according to the
traditional cliché of imperialist wars.which has also exploited and
oppressed the Latin American continent for over 150 years. Such
reasoning ignores the social and class implications of the Venezuelan
national bourgeoisie's desire to free itself from US imperialism and the
bourgeois elements that have benefited from it, in order to directly
manage the country's resources. To achieve this goal, the national
bourgeoisie necessarily becomes anti-imperialist, giving rise to
"Bonapartist" regimes that pursue a relationship with the lower classes
aimed at unifying the country against imperialism. Such an aim implies
significant social reforms to improve the miserable living conditions of
broad segments of the population, thus combating underdevelopment and
backwardness. This is undoubtedly positive, but it cannot be ignored
that these objectives represent the hegemonic interests that the
Venezuelan national bourgeoisie pursues, as the governing force, with an
authoritarian tendency aimed at repressing any form of social and class
dissent. In a period in which the mechanisms of capital valorization
enter into crisis, war becomes a concrete prospect that opens the way to
the entire militarization of societies: the living conditions of the
subaltern classes are attacked, trade unions weakened, national and
international bourgeois law and institutions are reduced to impotence,
and struggles are repressed within the emerging framework of a war
economy that sees the resurgence of militarism with all its patriotic
and reactionary myths that undermine historic civil conquests and
presuppose national unity against the enemy lurking at the borders,
according to the traditional cliché of imperialist wars.In a period in
which the mechanisms of capital valorization enter into crisis, war
becomes a concrete prospect that opens the way to the entire
militarization of societies: the living conditions of the subaltern
classes are attacked, trade unions weakened, national and international
bourgeois law and institutions are reduced to impotence, and struggles
are repressed within the emerging framework of a war economy that sees
the resurgence of militarism with all its patriotic and reactionary
myths that undermine historic civil conquests and presuppose national
unity against the enemy lurking at the borders, according to the
traditional cliché of imperialist wars.In a period in which the
mechanisms of capital valorization enter into crisis, war becomes a
concrete prospect that opens the way to the entire militarization of
societies: the living conditions of the subaltern classes are attacked,
trade unions weakened, national and international bourgeois law and
institutions are reduced to impotence, and struggles are repressed
within the emerging framework of a war economy that sees the resurgence
of militarism with all its patriotic and reactionary myths that
undermine historic civil conquests and presuppose national unity against
the enemy lurking at the borders, according to the traditional cliché of
imperialist wars.
In Italy, too, the scenario perfectly fits the aforementioned cliché, of
which the recent budget law is the most coherent consequence: profits
and income are protected through a class-based tax policy that protects
capital and tolerates tax evasion; social services such as healthcare,
education, social security, public housing, and transportation are being
cut; the loss of purchasing power of wages, widespread unemployment and
the spread of precarious employment, workplace deaths, environmental
devastation, and the unlivability of the countryside are being ignored;
information is becoming increasingly regime-controlled, and the
struggles of workers, students, and youth movements are being responded
to with repression; the rights of women and the less protected sectors
of society are being attacked; intolerance toward the weakest and toward
diversity is being fueled, in a context that sees the resurgence of
patriarchy, racism, and openly fascist expressions being persecuted at
the individual, collective, and organizational levels. Throughout
society, especially in schools of all levels, militaristic poison is
spreading, aimed at shaping a war mentality. This is what has been
repeatedly declared by military leaders of various states and by NATO
Secretary General Rutte, and is necessary to better manage the huge
rearmament expenditures planned for the coming years, paid for, as we
have already documented, by resources plundered from the lower classes.
Imperialist aggression is fought not with government action but with a
united social mobilization that arises from below and consolidates
itself phase by phase. Therefore, mass demonstrations against war, its
victims, and its destruction are welcome, in the knowledge that "the
battle is long and the enemies are numerous, but we will be even more
numerous, we will always be more numerous. Tomorrow is ours, comrades."
But the statement we also quote in the epigraph is not enough: this
beautiful exhortation, to become real, requires the conscious action of
the organized political minority, operating within the reality of the
class struggle to defend its autonomy and to sustain the conflict in
phases of crisis and defeat, in order to return to victory. This is the
ambitious task we have set ourselves.
https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/
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