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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #36-25 - Protests Under Attack. The Right to Strike and the Right to Strike (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Fri, 16 Jan 2026 09:34:15 +0200


The amendment that would have required public transport workers to give one week's written notice, with no right to withdraw, of their participation in strikes-an amendment that was aborted before it even came to light-has sparked a chaotic array of reactions, debates, and controversies. These exchanges often serve the now-established and tiresome game of one-upmanship rather than an objective analysis of the proposal and the consequences of yet another attack on the freedom of expression and dissent, which is increasingly being stifled and tamed. Controlling all forms of real opposition and effective protest has always been a goal of every authority. Indeed, authority fears the streets and popular participation, because the desire to cease being mere followers or ultras can lead individuals and groups to become protagonists of public affairs, making their voices heard and voicing their opposition to those in power who consider it their exclusive prerogative. The means adopted to maintain the established order and the status quo, functional to the preservation of domination, have historically always been the same: legislative, physical, and ideological repression, and the regimentation of forms of protest deemed legitimate, which are codified and permitted only in the ways and times established by the authorities. Further elements of the strategy of weakening the destabilizing power of dissent include the attempt to fragment the protest front, achieved by creating specious conflicts within it. The authorities set themselves up as the sole defender of popular interests, identifying internal and external enemies as the true cause of the deterioration of the living conditions of the masses: a mix of populism, paternalism, and propaganda that very often leads the exploited themselves to sacrifice themselves as the first and most ardent supporters of those who can maintain their privileges and their superior status precisely thanks to the oppression perpetrated upon them.

This incident represents yet another attack by this government on the right to strike, repeatedly made manifest by exploiting loopholes in already restrictive legislation and resorting to indiscriminate and unmotivated injunctions. More generally, this constitutes a further attempt to reduce and suppress any unwelcome form of public dissent, as the entry into force of the now infamous security decree clearly demonstrates. Let's also ignore what should be considered stand-up comedy remarks about strikes called on Fridays and Mondays to extend the weekends. These jokes, however, have a certain impact on the public and contribute to discrediting and obscuring the real reasons for the demonstrations. They also ignore the significant financial sacrifice that each abstention from work entails for the strikers. These remarks, incidentally, come from people whose hours and salaries are certainly not even remotely comparable to those of the vast majority of workers. The main reason given for arguing that strikes are inappropriate in general, and in public sectors in particular, is the harm they cause to citizens, who are unable to access the services that should always be guaranteed in a civil society, particularly transportation, healthcare, and education. Curiously, these are precisely the sectors massively penalized and devastated by government policies that, in addition to diverting economic resources to areas that have little or nothing to do with the general interest, such as military spending and rearmament, are constantly and scientifically neglected and rendered increasingly inefficient to make way for incessant privatization. Poor public transportation services, especially for commuters, interminable waiting lists in healthcare, collapsing public education, uncontrolled procurement and subcontracting, private state-approved schools and universities, and supplementary healthcare are inextricably linked, two sides of the same coin designed to make our society increasingly stratified and discriminatory based on class and economic means.

The apparent institutional opposition, be it political or trade union, participates fully in these dynamics, taking on increasingly polemical or conciliatory tones as the opportunity arises. This demonstrates the full instrumental nature of its position, which often boils down, aside from ineffective individual exceptions, to either a demand for greater participation in the division of the spoils or the support of power groups and lobbies other than those of the adversary in question. This is without ever questioning the assumptions of the prevailing model, but is content to suggest small and marginal changes that serve its own interests. This attitude of feigned opposition to the system and substantial complicity with it manifests itself, beyond the slogans and catchphrases shouted to cajole the public and gain easy consensus, in the decisions made from time to time, such as endorsing warmongering and neocolonial exploitation policies internationally and renouncing basic demands such as effective economic adjustment and reduced working hours while maintaining equal pay in contract renewals. The use of street protests is promoted and tolerated only if they occur under the direction and for the desired purposes of "institutional opponents," who, however, rush to align themselves with those they challenge whenever the demands transgress the rigid boundaries delineated or take uncodified forms that are instantly branded as illegal and violent, and from which they are immediately distanced. Once again, the hypocrisy of an attitude that condemns, with the now overused formula of "without ifs and buts," every alleged illegal action by protesters is exposed, with no regard for the brutal violence of a system that "legally" forces people to die on the job in the name of profit, to choose between employment, health, or environmental protection, to accept inadequate wages with the threat of no wage at all, and generally to endure conditions of economic, social, and human exploitation, considering it completely normal, without possible alternatives, immutable, and unquestionable. Breaking a window or setting fire to a dumpster is branded a terrorist, criminal, and intolerable act, while simultaneously, and without any embarrassment, the massive export of weapons and their use against defenseless civilians is calmly and condescendingly accepted. Consistency these days is clearly an unacceptable luxury, just as the goal advocated by Benni's Saltatempo has become unattainable for many: "We must be true to the words we say, perhaps not word for word, but we understand each other."

Much of the confusing debate and apparent controversy surrounding the proposed amendment has revolved around the concept of the violation of a right, particularly an acquired right. On the one hand, this is considered a sort of privilege, granted and always revocable or modifiable at will; on the other, it is considered an established, indisputable, unalterable, and eternal fact; both positions share an ahistorical and anti-political conception of law, its origins, and its value. Those in power never grant a right, which in effect limits their prerogatives, whether spontaneously or out of the goodness of their heart. A right is always the result of a struggle between two opposing factions, one seeking to maintain a privilege and the other seeking more favorable conditions. It arises from the balance of power between groups fighting for different and opposing goals.

When a right is formally "granted," it is because, in fact, it has already become such. Its transition from "de facto" status to legal norm is the recognition of the outcome of a conflict in which a victor forced the other side to accept as lawful what was previously considered unlawful. The right thus won will remain "immutable" only to the extent that the balance of power that generated it is preserved and does not permit its revocation. It is quite clear that from this perspective, a right is not important in itself, but rather as the product of a struggle, often bloody and brutal, and of the balance of power that has established its value. These struggles and balances of power must be continually reaffirmed if we are not to lose what has been achieved. Every attack on an "acquired" right is an attempt by the ruling class to raise its head and reclaim spaces that have been taken away by the will, intransigence, determination, and reasoning of their opponents. It is equally clear that only a daily struggle that does not rest on the laurels of what has already been achieved, but reaffirms at every opportunity the strength and justice of the demands of emancipation and freedom, can be an effective antidote to the abuses of power. Every single right must be won, reaffirmed, and exercised with determination and without fear, to ensure that it is not first considered a concession, then a privilege, and finally denied, because, it is worth remembering, each person has the power that others allow them to take.

Alessandro Fini

https://umanitanova.org/proteste-sotto-attacco-diritto-di-sciopero-e-sciopero-del-diritto/
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