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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #11-26 - Algorithm Victory? Digital Networks and Social Activism (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 11 May 2026 06:06:42 +0300
One of the interpretations advanced to explain the unexpected NO victory
in the referendum is that the electoral preferences expressed on March
22nd and 23rd are the product of a network in which human will,
interface architecture, and computing infrastructure operate in an
inextricable, intertwined, and mutually dependent manner, capable of
exceptional results. The logic of this system is geared toward producing
highly arousing emotions and capturing the subjects' attention. The NO
camp, according to this interpretation, would have benefited from the
divisive, oppositional, and indignant demands that constituted its
emotional underpinning, and which were more congenial to the dynamics of
the algorithm.
With respect to this interpretation, it is worth considering that the
architecture of the networks on which social media reside and the
algorithms that make them function can be considered the structure of a
sector, that of the communications industry, in which the mechanism of
value production and surplus value extraction is analogous to that at
work in manufacturing. We are therefore faced with a piece of the
"structure" of society, which produces its effects on society's
political and ideological "superstructure."
The capitalist mode of production cannot survive without continually
revolutionizing the instruments of production, and therefore the
relations of production, and therefore the entire set of social
relations. Previous modes of production, on the other hand, were based
on the preservation of the traditional mode of production. This
incessant revolutionization of production brings with it the equally
incessant upheaval of all social conditions, all the stable and rusty
conditions of life, with their entourage of opinions and beliefs, made
venerable by their persistence over time. Bourgeois society, therefore,
presents itself as unstable and less capable than previous generations
of maintaining the pyramidal structure of society. This instability is
accentuated by the growing inability to valorize capital, ensuring
income for the privileged classes based on the exploitation of the labor
capacity of the vast majority of the population. The ongoing
transformation of the means of production is particularly intense in the
high-tech, communications, and information technology sectors, shaken by
constant innovations in materials, equipment, and procedures.
Scientific literature recognizes the importance of search engines in
orienting the human subjects who interact with them. Psychologist Robert
Epstein has suggested, as early as 2015, that a search engine
manipulation effect (SEME) exists. Epstein's experiments suggest that
partisan search rankings can shift the voting preferences of undecided
voters by 20% or more; The shift can be much higher in some demographic
groups, and these rankings can be masked so that people are completely
unaware of the manipulation.
These effects, which can even manipulate voting patterns, are
facilitated by the transmission of highly emotional messages. Emotions
such as amazement or awe, anger, moral indignation, fear, or pleasure at
the misfortunes and humiliations of political rivals are stimulated by
the algorithm and, in turn, stimulate the algorithm.
Based on these considerations, it is legitimate to believe that the
algorithm played an important role in the NO victory in the referendum,
just as it did, on another level, in the mobilizations following the
Israeli military seizure of the Global Sumud Flotilla, which included
several Italian citizens.
Conversely, we can offer some reflections.
The management of search engines by governments and large monopolistic
groups makes them a powerful tool of social control, but their intrinsic
instability, resulting from the constant revolution in information
technology, infrastructure, and network protocols, makes them incapable
of ensuring the long-term stability that is a prerequisite for social
preservation. The same pursuit of maximum profit, which primarily
motivates monopolistic groups, pushes them to convey popular and
therefore potentially profitable demands, regardless of their
consistency with the overall project.
Another consideration concerns epistemic bubbles and echo chambers. An
epistemic bubble is a social structure that limits exposure to diverse
information, leading individuals to receive only content that confirms
their preexisting beliefs. This phenomenon is particularly prominent in
social media. The echo chamber, in turn, is a closed communication space
that arouses no interest in outsiders or rejects their input.
It remains to be seen whether these epistemic bubbles and echo chambers
that would have favored the NO victory were born in response to the
electoral message or whether they pre-existed and merely bounced this
message. Naturally, this depends on the type of bubble. The WhatsApp or
Telegram chat of such-and-such a collective obviously pre-exists the
flow of information about the referendum, which penetrates it and
provokes different reactions in participants. In this sense, the
algorithm accelerates and amplifies aggregation, perhaps directing it,
but does not generate it. To understand the genesis of these
aggregations, we must step outside of virtual reality and return to
analyzing social reality. Social movements originate in their
contradictions, not in the architecture of computer networks.
The unusually high turnout in the referendum means that many people who
did not participate in the last elections went to vote. We are
witnessing a mass mobilization in defense of the constitution, or rather
to bring down the Meloni government. We are therefore witnessing a form
of mobilization comparable to that in support of the Flotilla, though
obviously less confrontational. Both the Flotilla and the referendum are
mobilizations whose themes, one is solidarity, the other freedom, albeit
vaguely understood. This is as far as it gets from the immediate and
visceral reactions catalyzed by the content that the digital
architecture, designed for this, systematically rewards and amplifies.
A final consideration concerns the extent to which revolutionary
movements, and anarchism in particular, can interact with search
engines. For my part, I believe that the algorithm's operating mechanism
is intrinsically incapable of performing any emancipatory function,
understood as the ability to build collaborative relationships between
subjects and develop critical attitudes toward the messages it conveys.
In reality, the algorithm's functioning reproduces, in an updated
manner, traditional government practices, which tend to keep the masses
in a state of subjection.
The way in which some supporters of the "NO" front have presented their
issues has often been crude, based on an emphasis on legality and the
demonization of their opponents, especially those who supported
abstentionism, branding them as objective allies of the right.
Social critique represents an essential element of a reconstruction of
revolutionary subjectivity, outside and against the logic of domination.
A critique that, by uncovering the mechanisms of exploitation and
oppression, restores to the revolutionary subject the ability to
understand, if not control, the explosive contradictions that shake
bourgeois society. This critique must question authoritarian and violent
practices within grassroots movements and organizations, starting with
the toxic rhetoric that uses denigration of others as a tool to assert
one's own views. But to do all this, as we have seen, the digital
architecture of social media represents more of an obstacle than a help:
we need to step outside of cyberspace, put our feet on the ground, and
engage face-to-face with our social contacts.
Our goal is not to win a few more votes in the next elections; our goal
is to build the forces and organizations to create a new society.
Tiziano Antonelli
https://umanitanova.org/vittoria-dellalgoritmo-reti-digitali-ed-attivismo-sociale/
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