A-Infos (en) Italy, FdCA, IL CANTIERE #40 - Parliamentary Cretinism - Tommaso Santino (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

A disease that confines those afflicted by it to an imaginary world and 
robs them of all sense, all memory, all understanding of the crude 
external world. ---- (Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis 
Bonaparte, chapter V, 1852) ---- "Parliamentary cretinism," a true 
disease and curse for the labor movement and the working masses, still 
lingers in the leadership groups not only of the supposedly progressive, 
even radical, or self-proclaimed antagonistic parties, but also in the 
leadership groups of the trade unions themselves.
We have already had occasion to explain in previous articles the CISL's 
essentially "yellow union" drift, having called its own national 
demonstration in Rome on December 13th, in support of the government's 
plan. Its national website unequivocally states: "National demonstration 
on December 13th in Rome: for a Responsibility Pact between the 
Government, social partners, and political forces, in view of 2026 and 
the conclusion of the PNRR to give substance to shared strategic goals."

The UIL, distancing itself from joint initiatives with the CGIL until 
the last strike, has also called its own demonstration for November 29th 
in Rome, concurrent with the national demonstration for the 
International Day of Solidarity with Palestine, a continuation of the 
demonstrations held on October 3rd.
The CGIL general assembly on November 6th and the subsequent assembly of 
national delegates held in Florence the following day, confirming their 
total negative opinion of the upcoming budget, called a general strike 
for December 12th. Without going into detail about the opportunity, 
although expressed by some delegates present on November 6th and 7th in 
Florence, to converge on the national student demonstration on November 
14th, but above all about the date of November 28th, the day on which 
the USB and the majority of grassroots unions called the general strike 
against the budget. This does not confirm and fuel the unified will that 
had positively crystallized in the streets for the general strike on 
October 3rd following the attack on the Global Sumud Flotilla by the 
State of Israel, the final declaration tragically confirms that the CGIL 
leadership is still afflicted by the disease of "parliamentary cretinism."
It's true that sectarian logic is widely present in grassroots union 
leadership, particularly the USB, which itself has made no attempt to 
recreate a unified initiative in the wake of October 3rd, preferring 
instead to ride a resurgent protagonism, particularly among youth, all 
for electoral and "party" purposes, to the detriment of any real impact 
on the budget and the real balance of power in the workplace, which 
cannot be changed without the presence and capacity for united, mass 
struggles.
Confirmation of such a disastrous approach is evident in some passages 
of the document in which Potere al Popolo, at its national assembly on 
October 25th, the day of the CGIL national demonstration in Rome, 
advocated "the construction of an independent political and social bloc 
towards 2027." After a shared analysis of the serious and precarious 
economic and social situations facing our class and the younger 
generations, the strong recommendation is to "enter the institutions and 
the media to denounce what is happening, block their 'normal' 
functioning, and achieve victories."
Materialistic reasoning, as we can see, is completely reversed. It is 
the presence of power relations favorable to the working masses in the 
workplace and in society that can also lead to a presence within the 
institutions, provided that this presence can represent a real step 
forward toward the emancipation of the working masses. This analytical 
reversal is further confirmed when, in view of the upcoming 2027 general 
elections, it is stated:
"We want[...]to bring into the institutions[...]worthy and courageous 
people who know how to oppose[...], who know how to represent the 
interests of the majority against the privileged minority. Who know how 
to present a beautiful, exciting politics that exploits popular 
creativity and strength to make Italy a happier country, not one doomed 
to extinction and marginalization."
It's not clear what marginality we should escape from, perhaps from the 
global economic market that we remember as the capitalist one, perhaps 
by siding with other economic and political fronts such as the BRICS, 
but in any case the problem of problems is finding "worthy and 
courageous" people.
Likewise, the CGIL leadership continues to position itself as a 
surrogate for political formations alternative to the governing 
majority, whether classified as a "broad camp" or generically 
center-left, clearly indicating neither specific objectives to assert 
nor a strategy of united struggle that could truly attempt to change the 
balance of power between the classes in this economic and political 
phase. In the final document of the national general assembly of 
November 6, no comprehensible or real objective is indicated. A generic 
list of good intentions, repeated at every national general assembly, 
from the generic call for "renewal of all employment contracts," to 
"hiring and stabilization of precarious work"-it's unclear why only in 
the "public sectors"-to generic "investments to strengthen the 
universalistic system, starting with healthcare, education, local 
authorities, non-self-sufficiency, and the right to housing," as well as 
unspecified "industrial policies for the manufacturing and service 
sectors," aimed at eliminating "gender gaps in employment and wages and 
creating new, good jobs," and ending with a very generic and vague 
"strategy for the revitalization of Southern Italy." Furthermore, still 
on the parliamentary-legislative level, and not content with the defeat 
suffered in the referendums, we find further reference to a signature 
drive for a popular healthcare law initiative, the details of which are 
currently completely unclear. This contradicts the need for critical 
reflection and a robust reversal of the hypotheses of national and 
territorial bargaining among individual categories, regarding healthcare 
funds and contractual and corporate welfare, which have proven to be 
fundamental tools for the government and employers to undermine public 
healthcare and the very concept of universalistic services, returning to 
the practice of the old health insurance companies.
Finally, unconditional support is expressed for the upcoming April 
referendum on the justice reform passed by the Meloni government, 
without even remotely linking this institutional conflict to the social 
conditions of the working masses. This carries the real risk of losing 
this further battle, which is not very understandable at the mass level, 
and will further distrust and discouragement among the working masses. 
This raises the prospect of the current political majority being 
confirmed in the next general elections of 2027.
The same just and commendable support for the civil service and school 
sectors that have not signed the 2022-2024 contract, lacking the will 
and ability to launch a generalized battle for cross-sector wages, will 
certainly have repercussions on the CGIL's own stability in these 
sectors. It lacks the strength and will to overturn the bargaining 
tables, particularly in the second-level negotiations, which will see 
the CISL, UIL, and the signatory independent unions justify their 
actions by saying "it's better than nothing." The very request for tax 
exemptions on contractual wage increases demonstrates the management's 
confusion, which, in order to bring home a little extra cash, risks 
making the same mistake it made with supplementary funds and, in 
particular, with contractual and company welfare.
We have already addressed this contractual aspect on other 
occasions[Cristiano Valente, "For a real defense of the wage and social 
conditions of workers, it's time to change gear," "Il Cantiere," no. 38, 
October 2025]and how, not coincidentally, employers are willing to hand 
out significant amounts of money on this front and not on basic wages, 
as these amounts of money are tax-exempt. This employers' strategy, 
supported by the Meloni government, is so blatant and obvious that the 
Bank of Italy itself, during its parliamentary hearing on the proposed 
Budget Law for a reduced 5% rate on wage increases resulting from 
collective bargaining agreements signed in the two-year period 2025-2026 
for employees with annual incomes not exceeding EUR28,000, had to admit 
and state: "It is inappropriate to assign the public budget the task of 
recovering workers' lost purchasing power."

Once again, we are back to the usual round-robin game. Industrial 
profits are not affected in favor of wages, but since the majority of 
taxation falls on employees, by shifting our own monetary resources, 
"indirect" wages, we self-finance supposed wage increases. Furthermore, 
40% of private sector employees are already covered by contracts signed 
before 2025 and are therefore excluded from this relief, as are workers 
in the retail and tourism sectors. It is entirely unclear how these 
sums, taxed at 5%, will be included in the general tax calculation after 
2026.
In short, sheer confusion.
Confusion and inconclusiveness in launching a generalized wage battle, 
the unwillingness to broaden the front of the struggle with school and 
public sector workers, and the unwillingness to rescind the Factory Pact 
agreement, which, by tying wage increases to the HICP index, results in 
increases that do not fully cover real inflation.
This inconclusiveness has been well understood by the employers, so much 
so that the November 13-14 meetings between Federmeccanica and Assistal 
with the Fiom, Fim, and Uilm trade unions regarding the termination of 
the metalworkers' contract, which expired in June 2024, have not yet 
resulted in the dispute being resolved, almost a year and a half after 
its original conclusion. Indeed, the employers continue to assert their 
desire not to conclude the contract with the figures indicated by the 
unions, namely EUR280 at the C3 level, but continue to indicate their 
willingness to provide additional wages and industrial welfare. Further 
meetings have been postponed until the end of November, which the 
timeframe of this magazine does not permit, and which we will return to 
in the first issues of next year.

https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
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